Russia has encountered internet disruptions recently. Their key reason is endeavor to isolate Russian domestic online sphere. A significant network outage last week seems to be related to Putin's regime testing the feasibility of implementing a ‘sovereign Internet.’ Apostrophe delves into the viability, constraints, and potential ramifications for Russian authorities.
On January 30, the Ukrainian Defense Ministry's Main Intelligence Directorate disclosed a successful breach of Russia's Defense Ministry special communication server. Ukrainian cyber experts accessed a Russian Defense Ministry server, using software endorsed by the Russian FSB for state information protection.
‘Following the cyber attack, information exchange among units of the Russian Defense Ministry, facilitated by the affected Moscow-based server, came to a halt’, representatives of the Main Directorate of Intelligence of the Ministry of Defense reported.
The Russians deployed the software at key sites within the state sector, including military installations.
Simultaneously on January 30, Russia experienced a widespread internet and mobile communication outage. Masses faced difficulty accessing popular platforms, applications, and government services. Officially, Russian authorities attributed the issue to ‘technical malfunctions,’ while domestic media reported on interference with DNS protocol extensions.
‘In essence, the internet functions by translating user-friendly addresses into numerical IP addresses through the DNS system. The DNS system was created to replace cumbersome numerical IP addresses with user-friendly ones that are easier to remember. When we type a website address, DNS functions like a navigator, processing the request and directing us to the appropriate server. The recent Russian issue is analogous to a navigation system break which leads to misdirecting someone instead central Kyiv's Khreshchatyk street to a distant residential area of Troyeschyna’, digital security expert at Nadiyno.org Pavlo Belousov explains.
The intriguing part is that experts believe this signifies preparations for the partial implementation of the ‘sovereign Runet.’
‘They appear to be actively testing their isolated internet, having spent a week in various regions testing mobile operator base stations. They claimed it was for drone and electronic warfare protection, even shutting down the internet at night. Just a week later, a significant outage occurred, disrupting domains in the ".ru" zone’, Belousov added.
National Security and Defense Council of Ukraine confirms this assumption.
‘The disruptions in the Russian internet service may stem from testing the "sovereign internet" transition mechanisms. Roskomnadzor has announced the implementation of an anti-threat complex in provider networks, enabling this transition’, the National Security Council of Ukraine's Center for Countering Disinformation explained.
Yet, as cybersecurity expert Oleksiy Semenyaka notes, executing this concept demands significant exertion. Simultaneously, endeavors to establish a ‘sovereign Runet’ serve as a crucial indicator of the trajectory of the Putin regime.
Indeed, in recent internet disruptions in the Russian Federation, as per Apostrophe's sources, Ukrainian cyber experts might offer assistance to Russians.
‘Initially, our side issued provocative threats, aiming to lure the Russians into consolidating their data for security. Once they complied, we executed a targeted strike, streamlining our efforts into a single operation rather than scattered actions’, as stated by a source within Ukrainian cybersecurity entities.
Cheburnet and Chinese example
Absence aside, the Kremlin's longstanding aspiration for a Russian "sovereign Runet" mirrors China's model. In 2003, China established the "Golden Shield" system, commonly referred to as the Great Firewall. This network of servers regulates access to content outside China, drawing parallels to Russia's ambitions.
The Russian counterpart, humorously dubbed "Cheburnet," stems from Deputy Maksym Kavdzharadze's proposal to name the Russian Internet after Soviet cartoon characters, Crocodile Gena or Cheburashka – ‘because no other nation has Cheburashka’. Despite meme-worthy associations, there are notable achievements with this moniker in Russia.
‘Their servers have been prepared for over three years, with a portion of the data transferred well in advance. Notably, they leveraged this incident for propaganda purposes’, Semenyaka says.
However, Cheburnet was only partially implemented until recently.
‘In essence, Cheburnet's concepts date back roughly a decade, with testing conducted in 2019 and 2020. It appears that after a measured pace, there's now an accelerated push for implementation’, Belousov assumes.
Apostrophe's consulted experts concur that the heightened activity is linked to Putin's ‘elections’ and potential disturbances amid the voting process.
‘This serves as an adjunct to propaganda, aiming to curtail communication links among Russians to limit their access to online resources and restrict awareness of events in neighboring regions’, Yaroslav Chornohor, director of the program of Russian and Belarusian studies of the Foreign Policy Council ‘Ukrainian Prism’ tells Apostrophe.
While authorities in Russia enjoy widespread support in various regions, local conflicts concerning the economy, ecology, or the actions of specific Putin officials persist. Hence, it is prudent for the Kremlin to adopt precautionary measures.
On January 17, the Baimak District Court in Bashkortostan handed a four-year sentence in a general-regime colony to Fail Alsynov, a local eco-activist and former head of a banned Bashkort organization in Russia. The charge was "violation of hatred or enmity." Alsynov made derogatory remarks against Armenians, Caucasians, and individuals from Central Asia during a rally to protect Trans-Ural Bashkortostan from mining near the village cultural center.
Following the verdict in Baimak, mass protests erupted, leading to the detention of 34 individuals supporting Fail Alsynov. Riot police employed stun grenades, tear gas, and physically confronted detainees, as captured in videos circulating online.
‘The events in Bashkortostan underscore the impact of social networks in mobilizing people. The Kremlin is assessing these unpredictable risks, driven by a mix of social, economic, and environmental concerns rather than purely national issues. When these factors converge, crises escalate to the protest level’, Chornohor stresses.
The scale of isolation.
The outstanding question is what will be the level of Russia's network isolation from the global community.
‘Disabling platforms such as YouTube or Facebook is quite simple.. They do not conceal themselves and operate with transparent IP addresses’, Semenyaka explains.
Similarly, Russia has effectively gained control over domestic internet traffic. There has been a notable push for Russians to transition from global counterparts to homegrown alternatives, like Yandex over Google, RuTube in lieu of YouTube, and VK instead of Facebook.
‘They possess System for Operative Investigative Activities, employing devices to throttle the speed of specific services. In Russia, they slowed down Twitter, rendering it unusable without blocking it. While instant isolation may be challenging, they have the capability to disrupt and impair the performance of the external internet if needed’, Belousov says.
Nevertheless, there are constraints related to gadget operating systems. Widely used systems like Android and iOS cannot be isolated due to their reliance on foreign servers. Consequently, in the event of a disconnection, smartphones would become non-functional.
‘Therefore, they are more likely to consider partial restriction. They test and check and find some more or less appropriate way’, Belousov concludes.
For Ukraine, this implies a growing challenge in monitoring and potentially influencing developments within Russia. The authoritarian regime of our assertive neighbors could eventually resemble that of North Korea.
